Meteorology Clouds Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Meteorology Clouds - Article Example To observe them and consider how, with each respective cloud formation, the way in which they are composed, can actually be a sign of a specific weather pattern(s) that would be coming in the near future . Starting off, in terms of the classification of cloud formations, "Clouds are classified into a system that uses Latin words to describe their appearance and the height of cloud base. This classification was developed by theEnglish chemist Luke Howard in 1803," (Gourdeau, 2003-2010). The appearance of each individual cloud would go on to provide the necessary information for weather forecasters, in terms of being able to come to a better idea, as to what type of weather may be on the horizon. The literal labels for cloud types would be as follows, "The Latin words used are: cirrus which means"curl of hair"; stratus which means "layer"; cumulus which means"heap"; and nimbus which means"rain"," (Gourdeau, 2003-2010). As a way to figure out which cloud formation would mean what, in terms of the nimbus cloud, they would be the strongest to be able to identify that they were rain clouds, in that their meaning from the Latin term, would in fact be rain. There are three type categories, where clouds fall within. Those are high level, mid level and finally, low level. The clouds found at the higher levels, would be the coldest of the three levels. Ice crystals would be expected to be a part of the composition for these clouds. The names of these clouds would be Cirrus, Cirrocumulus and lastly, Cirrostratus. In this category, the clouds that are the most common to see in the sky on any given basis would be the Cirrus clouds. Far later in the day, deep into the night, the Cirrostratus clouds are the ones that can be seen in the sky throughout, including near the moon. For the mid level clouds, they are defined in this manner, "Mid level clouds are called altostratus and altocumulus. Theprefix "alto"indicates that they have cloud bases between 2 and 6 km above the ground," (Gourdeau, 2003-2010). The types of cloud in this category would be the Altostratus and the Altocumulus. The Altostratus would show their relevance in that, with their appearance in the sky, they would act as the precursor, or warning, for an impending weather system that would be coming. Finally, for the low level clouds, these would be the types of clouds that would be more inclined to have wetter weather within them, or those that would produce the rain. In this lowest level of the atmosphere, the names of the clouds found would be Stratus, Stratocumulus and the Nimbostratus. A more common term for clouds such as Stratus, would be to know of them as the haze that drivers encounter sometimes as they are driving, also known as fog. This would occur at the base level. Once a storm has done what it set out to do, the cloud formations that witnesses would see at this point in time, would be the Stratocumulus. The clouds that would be associated with the largest variety, in terms of presence of weather, would be the Nimbostratus. Whether they are little puffs within the sky, as thin as pieces of ribbon that stretch from one side to another, or possess the image of a pronounced weather system within them, all clouds have an image that are unique to them and what they mean for those living on the land and traveling by the sea. As an individual may find the desire to look up into the sky and observe the clouds present within it, the ability to discern the

Dance research paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Dance - Research Paper Example Vaslav was born in the year 1890 in Kiev. Vaslav’s parents were both dancers that were well acclaimed. This was one of the factors that motivated Vaslav to join the dancing world. The family had its own dancing company where they recruited and trained dancers. Vaslav was a natural dancer and did not require a lot of training. The dancing company trained dancers that performed all over Russia with Vaslav tagged along almost all the events. This was the basis of his experience and he gained a lot of confidence due to facing large crowds at a very young age (Kassing 173). The breakthrough for Nijinsky came when he met up with Sergei Diaghilev. This was one of the most prominent people in the entertainment scene at the time and Nijinsky was fortunate to be linked to him. After a while, he joined his dancing group where he got to learn various dance styles. At first, Nijinsky was not sure of which dancing routine he would pursue and thus, with assistance and training, got to try different dances (Russes). After several trials, he got to decide that ballet dancing was his routine of choice and from there on, he indulged fully in this. Diaghilev took Nijinsky alongside other dancers to Paris for a performance. In this performance, Nijinsky pleased the crowd and got a standing ovation alongside with the other dancers since he was the lead in that particular routine. Le Pavillon d’Armide is one of the most acclaimed pieces that the character performed (Russes). This is a piece that he performed in Paris and gave him a huge positive applaud. His style was different from the people that had initially acted and danced in the piece. The reason for this is that Nijinsky was creative. It is also significant to know that he had the ability to relate actively with the audience. In the particular piece, Nijinsky would at times bend over so as to greet his audience while still

Crime and Hurricane Katrina Essay Example for Free

Crime and Hurricane Katrina Essay Hurricane Katrina caused many forms of distress, displacement and disruption to the community of New Orleans and the citizens most certainly were forced to act in drastic ways for survival. The response by the people has been considered forms of criminal activity and in all senses of legal activity has been defined as crime. Acts of looting and violence were reported by many reporters of various news media. Crimes were not only committed by everyday citizens of New Orleans, but volunteer workers as well and even, what people saw as the most shocking display of violence and betrayal of trust, by the Law Enforcement Officials as well. What is also interesting is how this destructive event altered the residents’ perception of what is crime and what can be considered criminal. What was once considered to be a betrayal of trust towards another member of the community had been transformed into an activity that was now a means of survival. Some of the acts varied from a â€Å"need† to steal because they â€Å"had to† (i. e. , stealing from Bath and Body works for soap, supermarkets for food, water, clothes, etc. ) and then increasing to other side of the spectrum to murder of strangers, friends, and even family. Hurricane Katrina caused a massive social disruption to the people of New Orleans and this catastrophic event would eventually lead to their breakdown of societal rules and values. And it is this breakdown that would not be lost to the eyes of the news media and would be broadcast everywhere, all across the world (of Katrina, apocalypse 2005). The New York Times gave many accounts of the violence, destructive and slide into anarchy that was happening in New Orleans. One article, published September 29th, 2005, After Katrina, crimes of the imagination, detailed the mass amount of looting and violent crimes in the area. The article details the fears and horrors of becoming a broken society and living in fear of your once loved neighbor. Another thing this article seemed to touch on was that it was possible that fear was actually caused by a trick of the mind. â€Å"†¦Some, but not all, of the most alarming stories were figments of frighten imaginations, the product of no reliable communications, and perhaps the residue of raw relations between some police officers and members of the public. † Speaking of the â€Å"raw relations between some police officers and members of the public,† these supposed raw relations were only further hurt and ripped apart by actions made by the police department themselves. Five police officers were accused and convicted (six years later) of shooting and killing defenseless citizens attempting to cross a bridge in search of food, water and shelter. These same officers along with the help of their department attempted a brilliantly mastermind plot to cover up their crime. This included â€Å"made-up witnesses, falsified reports, and a planted gun† to prove that they were under fire by the citizens and were only trying to protect themselves. This news article Jury Reaches Guilty Verdict in Hurricane Katrina Shootings Trial by Fox News shows the corruption and hidden brutality of the law enforcement department of New Orleans. In association with police corruption and brutality, there was a similar crime committed by five different police officers a mere two days before the crime previously mentioned. An injured 31 year old male was taken to the temporary headquarters of police by his friends in search of help. The officer drove off with the car with the injured male still in the back seat and his remains were found in the torched car. The implicated officer, for shooting the injured male and attempting to cover up by burning the car with the body still inside (oddly enough) was charged with a civil rights violation and the remaining four were charged with obstruction of justice. This just yet another article (5 cops charged in post-Hurricane Katrina shooting, burning death) found in the Daily News archives describing the corruption and brutality of law enforcement in the face of disaster. However the actual brutality of the police system is not entirely at fault on its own. In a New York Times article: More Horrible Than Truth: News Reports published September 19th 2005, described of the crimes of the people against each and against law enforcement. There were gangs shooting at rescue crews, emergency room physicians were being confirming the rising amount of murders and rapes, and there were eye witness accounts of police officers being shot at while trying to help out a group of helpless victims. While there is no excusing the horrible brutalization by the police department, it is clear to see that all of it is not always unprovoked. There have also been many other forms of crime in the wake of Hurricane Katrina that do not involve looting and murder. There have also been crimes by the state and government which have affected the residents of New Orleans. In Time Runs Out for St. Bernard Parish, an editorial in The New York Times, the housing and racial discrimination was brought to light. The parish was banning anyone who was not a â€Å"blood relative† from seeking shelter at the parish. Since being in a predominantly white neighborhood this was implied to many any people of color was banned from the church. There were also crimes against the government through insurance fraud and lawsuits. Insurance companies were defrauding their clients (Attorneys arrive for opening of first Katrina insurance lawsuit, 2006) and then also evacuees of New Orleans were attempting to fraud insurance money away from FEMA and FBI grants (Katrina: Four Years Later, 2009). The aftermath of Katrina was no match for the crime that occurred during and after it. The crime destroyed the faith and rationality of the people which prolonged and deepened the chaos of New Orleans. The news media as always played a big role in the hype of the crime wave but without the media the true seriousness of the crime would have never been investigated and given proper consideration to improve.

History of Nationalism in Israel

History of Nationalism in Israel Promised Land, Crusader State: The Rise, Fall and Return of the Covenant Nation A dissertation submitted by 58126 to the Department of Government, the London School of Economics and Political Science, in part completion of the requirements for the MSc in Comparative Politics (Conflict Studies) September 1st, 2008 Word Count: ABSTRACT Several prominent comparativists claim that Israel is an outlier case a unique case study that generally defies most conventional forms of categorization. Such an allegation naturally assumes Israel to be exceptional and its behavior inexplicable. The assumption of Israels uniqueness was born during the marked epistemological shift from behavioral crossnational inquiries to more contextually and historically-derived theories, and has undermined Israels place in comparative politics. This dissertation seeks to place Israel and its behavior squarely back into the mix and up against much of the same scrutiny faced by other nation-states. By shifting again from a contextually and historically-derived theory of nationalism towards a more cognitive and tradition-based approach, centered on the ethno-symbolic approach professed by Anthony D. Smith and John Hutchinson, elements of Israels nationalism and national identity are analyzed as contributing to its existence as a zone of conflict a nd to its violent behavior. An analysis of the Covenant Nation as a new comparative category that presupposes the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, that uses (iii) blood sacrifice in order to fulfill a redemptive destiny and a commitment to worldly salvation, is highlighted. Limited comparisons to other covenant nations are drawn where applicable. Introduction: Since 1948, Israel has been regarded by some as an occupying force in the Middle East. That Israel, and Jews in general, could be a conquering and occupying people given their fate in the first half of the twentieth century as a nation without a home, victims of anti-Semitism and persecution is confusing to many. For reasons such as this, Israel has long been considered an outlier case by political scientists (Barnett 1996, ch.1). To the point of emphasis, it is argued that Israel defies most categorization, which has become the methodology employed by comparativists in order to understand states and state behavior. Categorizing usually requires classifying a case study under dichotic, or opposite, adjectives; Israel being neither East nor West, developed nor underdeveloped, capitalist nor socialist, Third World nor First World therefore, becomes difficult to study (Barnett 1996, 7). Furthermore, Israel has routinely been excluded from geographically specific studies or regional studies, since it is often considered an alien entity in the Middle East. However, despite Israels historical particularity, Israel is not an alien entity in the Middle East and its behavior is not inexplicable. While differences certainly exist categorically between Israel and other states, they both nevertheless share many of the same traits and concerns characteristics that might have similar origins. It will be argued that in order to understand Israel, both as a nation-state and as it behaves, one needs to understand Israeli nationalist sentiments. Nationalism in itself is a difficult thing to define. Where does it come from? What does it entail? How deeply is it entrenched? The answers to these questions, and many like them, could explain why a nation-state behaves in the way that it does. There are two major competing schools of thought when it comes to understanding nationalism, (a) the modernists, and (b) the primordialists. The modernists would date nationalism to industrialism, the development of capitalism, or to the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. The primordialists, on the other hand, see nationalism as dating back much farther possibly to even before history was recorded. Under this train of thought, Israel might date its nationalism back to the Hebrew Bible. Essentially, it all depends on where in history one chooses to draw the line. This paper will primarily argue that in order to understand Israel as an inherently violent and conflict-laden nation-state it is necessary to move away from the established contextually-derived theories of nationalism and move to one that is more cognitively based. In so doing, this paper will show that Israel is in fact a state like all others. It is not an anomaly, nor methodologically suspect its behavior not inexplicable. Regardless of its ancient historic roots, and despite its recent induction as a state among the family of nations, Israels nationalism should not be analyzed according to the dates of its borders, citizens, infrastructure, or institutions. In a more cognitive approach, Israels nationalism should be understood by the borders, beliefs and people themselves. As such, it will be shown that Israel is the archetypical Covenant Nation a category that exists free from both time and space. Such a theory of nationalism can thus draw on elements from either modern or pr e-modern periods/approaches and need not be based on regional developments or similarities. Israel, like all covenant nations, is inherently conflict-laden. As will be laid out in much greater detail, covenant nations have a strategic culture born of three identifying features/beliefs that make them violent and militaristic in nature. Covenant nations are under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) blood sacrifice. When the covenant nation theory is highlighted as the root cause of violence, it becomes clear that a solution to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict becomes much more difficult to ascertain. Conflict becomes unrelated to geopolitical realities or existing/imagined security dilemmas, but to an embedded sense of national superiority, a contractual obligation to fulfill the prophecy of the covenant and, derivatively, a commitment to worldly salvation. Thus, while many scholars claim Israel is an outlier case like no other, they are wrong from the outset by trying to assign Israel to conventional and contextual comparativist categories. Israel and its behavior can and should be understood much the same as other states as reactive to its nationalist sentiments, wherever derived. As will be shown, Israel has always been a conquering and occupying nation. It was true of Israels ancient past, it is true of its present and unless a drastic change occurs deep within the embedded (and sacred) structure of Zionism, it will be true of its distant future. The Nation General Definitions and Theories Quest ce-quune nation? Renans question still echoes after more than a century. In recent decades throughout the historical milieu referred to as the post-colonial era a copious amount of interest and attention has been dedicated to the study of nationalism. While no singular definition is agreed on by scholars, for the purpose of this paper a nation will be defined generally as a group that defines itself or is defined by others as sharing common descent and culture [] that also has political consciousness, claiming collective political rights in a given territory (Mann 2005, 11). A nation-state can thus be defined as an entity wherein a nation has its own sovereign state, situated within enunciated and politically defined territorial borders be they universally recognized or not. Scholars of various disciplines have attempted to provide an explanation for the rise, meaning and development of nationalism in human history and societies. The phenomenon of the constitution of nations and national identities, the emergence of national sentiments, the construction of nationhood and nationalist ideologies, appear to all be interrelated constituents of a single phenomenon. Nevertheless, competing theories of nationalism exist the major schism existing between modernists and primordialists. Modernists, such as Gellner and Anderson, assume that the origins of nations and nationalism lie in the structural changes that affected economic and social systems during the industrial revolution at the end of the eighteenth century (Gellner 2006, 48-49), implicitly denying cultural factors. In the opinion of the modernists, the introduction of new means of production and the division of labor caused a restructuring of social relations and the polarization of class interests. Nationalism emerged as a means to promote and direct change through the creation of a popular solidarity as well as a means to protect and promote class interests (Anderson 1991, 113-114). The prevalence of one intention over another brings about the constitution of different political organizations depending on the nature the political system. So to speak, nationalism is identified by the modernists with the process of nation-building a nation being a mere artificial construction fuelled by class interests. The primordialist notion of nationalism contrasts with that proposed by the modernists. Scholars such as Hastings, Smith and Geertz, believe that nations are natural givens (Hastings 1997, 5). Consequently, it is possible to find traces of nationalism and nationhood in ancient times. The feeling of belonging, the acknowledgement among a group of people sharing common cultural, racial, linguistic traits, a common ancestry, history or religion, is a documented fact in history (Smith 1994, 40). Groups tended to bind together by these ties. The proclivity to coalesce around these shared traits, or focal points, brought about the rise of politically and socially organized nations claiming sovereignty over a territory. In fact, it is Anthony D. Smiths many contributions to the theory of ethnosymbolism in particular that figure most prominently in a discussion of Israeli nationalism, and upon which I have based my initial observations and thesis. Ethnosymbolism is founded on the historical origins of nations particularly to their roots in premodern times and focuses its attention on perceptions, beliefs, symbols, rituals, and shared myths and memories. Although the ethnosymbolic approach focuses on subjective cultural and symbolic rudiments, their long term patterning produces a structure of relations and processes [] which can provide a framework for the socialization of successive generations of ethnic and national members (Smith 1999, 14). In more basic terms, the origin and descent of the community are recollected and transmitted to new members of the group by memory as interpreted by earlier generations. This subjective version of a nations origins is understood through ethnohistory rather t han any official historians lens (Coughlan 2001, 160). Before turning to the difference between history and historical traditions on Israeli national identity and behavior in the following section, allow me to first part ways with Anthony D. Smith and highlight our major difference. In War and Ethnicity: the Role of Warfare in the Formation, Self-Images and Cohesion of Ethnic Identities, Smith argues in sum that war has been a powerful factor in shaping certain crucial aspects of ethnic communities and nationhood. He points to Georg Simmels cohesion thesis, which asserts that external armed conflict or the imminent threat thereof produces all internal group solidarity (Smith 1981, XX). In so doing, Smith turns war and its variations into an independent variable that moulds the ethnic community, and invariably the nation. Though I do agree that war and conflict certainly have the ability to accentuate and exacerbate group identity and cohesion, I contend to the contrary that group cohesion is the primary cause of war and conflict. As su ch, war is the dependent variable that finds its existence and explanation in the more common group aggression theory. Thus, it is not war that creates a sense of belonging and community, but a sense of community and belonging that leads to war and conflict and the sense of belonging and community within the Covenant Nation typifies that. The Rise of the Nation-State: Context vs. Cognition To suggest that Israel is in fact an inherently violent nation-state on account of the Covenant, it is necessary to first dispel the myth that all nation-states are violent, and to trace Israels legacy back beyond its establishment. A long-standing assumption among several prominent political theorists suggests that all nation-states are inherently violent because they are forged in warfare. Richard Bean, in War and the Nation State, argues that beginning in the fourteenth century changes in the art of war inextricably led to the rise of centralized states for the purpose of raising taxes (Bean 1973, 220). It is possible, however, that the nation-state by general concept, if not by definition predates medieval changes in the art of war, and certainly Westphalia. Greek city-states, like Sparta, can be seen as examples of very homogeneous societies with developed political structures, taxation, and mutual obligations between government and citizens. Regardless, ancient historical cas es such as these would likely only serve to highlight the linkage between warfare and the birth of the nation-state. On the other end of the spectrum, what can be said about nation-states that have emerged contemporarily? Taking Israel as an example, a state that came into being by means of a vote in the United Nations, it is easy to suggest that the Arab-Israeli wars following its establishment have played a prominent role in the shaping of modern-day Israel. However, shaping by definition is not synonymous with forging. In the first instance, it is my intention to show that nation-states are not forged explicitly in warfare, but on traditions of warfare wherever derived. The purpose is to rephrase the hypothesis that nation-states are forged in warfare into one more universally applicable. For this, it is necessary to first presume that the nation, with its sense of community and belonging, existed prior. It will be shown that; from (i) a nations strategic culture, come (ii) traditions of warfare, which (iii) lead to a greater sense of national identity, on which (iv) nation-states have been forged. In so doing, I move the discourse away from a contextually derived theory of nationalism to a more cognitive-based approach, in which Anthony D. Smiths contributions to ethnosymbolism (as outlined above) figure prominently. A nation-states strategic culture is the obvious place to look for evidence of a war-born society. Strategic culture is defined by Alistair Iain Johnston as an ideational milieu which limits behavior choices. This milieu consists of shared assumption and decision rules that impose a degree of order on individual and group conceptions of their relationship to their social, organizational or political environment (Johnston 1995, 34). Essentially, it all comes down to security. A strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is necessary to assume that if a national group has a strong historical sense of war, aggressiveness, victimization, and/or persecution, that these sentiments would play out in their strategic culture, and would limit behavior choice and influence decision-making. Once forged into nation-states these strategic cultures continue to exist, and therefore become good indicators of how groups vi ew warfare and how their states came into being. In order to analyze a nation-states strategic culture properly, it is important to consider that the study of strategic culture itself has two distinct epistemological approaches context and cognition. Those that believe a strategic culture is based in context would claim that the historical record of the nation, even before its conception as a nation-state, is important to study. Basically, the nation-state expresses its national identity based on its national character. Therefore, a states strategic culture is based on its past it is path dependent. On the other hand, cognitivists see strategic culture as an integrated system of symbols (Johnston 1995, 35). Included in this integrated system of symbols are structures, languages, analogies, myths, metaphors, etc. In this approach national identity, as related to strategic culture, is more easily discernable through the study of a nation-states wartime symbols than a nation states wartime history. Carolyn Marvin and David Ingle, in their book Blood Sacrifice and the Nation, also argue that symbols (like a flag) can be very telling indicators that lead one to uncover the nature of nationalism that exists within a state. In Fallen Soldiers, George Mosse looks to nation-states war memorials: cemeteries, songs, poems and commemorations, for clues. Essentially, a nations sentiments regarding warfare might differ from its experience; they might have been shaped or molded. When trying to find the link between the birth of a nation-state and warfare, symbols offer yet another variable to consider. Due to the fact that there are two different ways to approach the study of strategic culture, and by association an element of a nation-states national identity, a clear distinction can be made between proper warfare and traditions of warfare. Traditions, like symbols, need not be based on truth or historical accuracy. There is a tradition of Santa Clause bringing presents to nice children despite there being no assumption of truth behind such a practice and certainly no historical record to legitimize it. Traditions are sometimes developed more because they serve a purpose, than because they truly commemorate something. When considering nation-state formation it is important to properly choose which traditions are worth investigating. Relating to strategic culture, or any issue that shapes a nation-states identity, it is important that a tradition have; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even at a time when it was not directly affecting public policy (McDougall, Ch.1). As will be shown with the case of Israel, traditions of warfare that have passed the scrutiny of the limitations listed above have played a role in developing national identity, and ultimately forging a nation-state. Modern day Israel is a good example of a nation-state forged on traditions of warfare, and not explicitly in warfare. As suggested above the first place to look for evidence of the link between warfare and state formation would be in a nation-states strategic culture. Israels strategic culture has long been dominated by the realist tradition (Dowty 1998, 84). The realist view of security has solid national support in Israel, it has outlived the era that gave it birth, it has entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and even during times of relative peace it continues to resonate with a portion of public opinion. Israels strategic culture is not only realist with regards to self-defense, but also in its offense. The leftist scholars who would date Zionism to Theodor Herzls avowedly socialist ideals of establishing a free, humanitarian and egalitarian state in the Jewish homeland to escape the increasing anti-Semitism of late-nineteenth century Europe (Avineri, 1981, 88-89) are shortsighted in their efforts. There is no such thing as nineteenth and twentieth century Zionism it is only Zionism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The bleak and destructive history of the Jews in Europe plays little significance in Israeli mamlachtiyut, or statism. The traditions that have forged the Israeli nation-state and limit its behavior choices can and should be dated back to the Hebrew Bible. For example, one might choose to examine the myth of the Covenant Nation, and how that played out during the Hebrews first experiment with forging a state following Joshuas invasion of Canaan, as evidence. The invasion represents a realist tradition of conquering and occupying. Whether or not the Hebrew Bible represents an accurate historical rendition or whether it has any academic merit at all is outside the scope of discussion. After all, when providing an account for Israels strategic culture, the scriptures can be analyzed as being contextually historical or as a symbol of cognition. Either way fact or fiction they provide a tradition from which to inherit a strategic culture from, and on which to forge a nation-state. Thus, the argument that Richard Bean makes; that nation-states developed out of the need for a strong central authority to levy taxes due to changes in the art of war, is unconvincing. To the point of emphasis, most modern economic-dependent nationalist arguments are limited when one considers ancient examples of national groups coming together to forge polities within defined and enunciated borders. Cases such as these simply highlight the fact that the forging of a nation-state draws more on myths, sentiments and symbols of collective fear, threat, pride, angst, aspiration, victimization, xenophobia and so forth when grouping together to organize politically. The above sentiments combine to form a strategic culture, from which traditions, national identity and greater cohesiveness are born. The nation-state was born as a response to a need for security; the traditions that transmit that feeling be they contextually or cognitively derived are what inevitably forge nation-states an d determine how violently they will behave. Though it may be true that many nation-states are forged explicitly in warfare (and are established using means of warfare), it is not a universal truth. Instead, it should be argued that nation-states are forged on traditions of warfare traditions that once were prescriptive and later become predictive. Covenant Nations As mentioned above, a strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is my assertion (to the contrary of international relations theorists) that Israels strategic culture has nothing to do with threat perception; geopolitical realities and security dilemmas are but moot points. Israel has adopted and further developed a strategic culture based solely on a particular tradition of self-perception that of the Covenant Nation. Defining the term Covenant Nation is not as simple as it may appear; its definition is hard to come by because it involves describing a process more than an entity. Simply put, the covenant is a tradition of ethnic election. The process of ethnic election is a multi-staged process requiring; (i) a sense of being singled out or chosen for a special purpose, (ii) a divine promise whether absolute or conditional made to the chosen people, and (iii) a belief that fulfillment of the covenant leads to worldly salvation (Smith 2003, 48-49). In short, the covenant is a tradition of a contractual agreement between God and His people. Simply put, the Covenant Nation, therefore, is the nation that enters and embodies the covenant. As stated above, traditions need not be based on historical truth or reality; in the ethnosymbolic approach traditions, myths and metaphors offer much the same credence to a debate on nationalism and national identity and thus can serve as an explanation for how nation-states behave. Let me begin by acknowledging that although the term Covenant Nation is rife with religious connotation, I do not intentionally seek to obscure the already blurred lines between religion and nationalism. In fact, I seek to avoid entering the scholarly debate about their ambivalent relationship entirely; I steer clear from scholars like Mark Juergensmeyer, whose work albeit fascinating seeks to compare and contrast the two phenomena and chart their historical interplay (Juergensmeyer 2006, 182). Instead, I point to a recent trend in thinking that sees nationalism itself as a form of belief-system or as a new religion of the people (Smith 2003, 42). George Mosse, in Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars, discusses how during the interwar period in Europe a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier (Mosse 1990, 104). If in Germany, for example, a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier, it c an be said that for Israel a civic religion of nationalism is born based on the cult of the chosen people and the cult of the Promised Land. The Covenant has always been the cornerstone of Israels national identity dating back to primordial times. The Hebrew Bible first marks the covenant that God makes with Abram in Genesis 12:2: I will make of you a great nation, and I will bless you. It is important to note that this verse not only represents the birth of the covenant, but at the same time the birth of the nation highlighting their interconnectedness. The nation and the covenant are thus co-determining and mutually implicating; the two entities are defined by their internal relationship, such that the two entities derive their meaning through their relationship and have no meaning or basis without the other. No reason is given as to why Abram (later Abraham) is selected to head the nation that will come to be known as the chosen people, but we are told that his progeny shall; (i) inherit the land of Canaan, and (ii) outnumber the dust of the earth (Gen. 12:7 and 13:6) outlining the divine promise. In return the covenant nation is obliged to circumcise their children (Gen. 17:7-10) and post-exodus to keep the laws and commandments that God gives unto his chosen people, the holy nation, at Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:4-6). Such are the terms of the covenantal contract; if the Chosen People follow Yahwehs rules, he will give them virtue, peace and prosperity [in the Promised Land]. If they are his holy servants, the scriptures say, he will bless them (Akenson 1992, 16). Furthermore, not only do Gods chosen people benefit from fulfillment of the covenant the whole world does. By fulfilling the covenant it is believed that Gods plan of salvation is advanced; so to speak, the salvation of all hinge[s] on the conduct of a special few (Smith 2003, 51). Therefore, it is to the conduct of the special few that we now shift our attention. If the renowned modernist scholar on nationalism Elie Kedourie is correct when he asserts that nationalism produces a kind of religious fanaticism that lends to conflict (Kedourie 1971, XX), the same must certainly hold true of covenantal nationalism and likely to an even greater degree. As stated earlier, covenant nations come under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) regular blood sacrifice. Furthermore, the fulfillment of the covenant sets the chosen people apart from other peoples both ethically and ritually: Ye shall be holy; for I the Lord your God am holy (Lev. 19:2). If fulfillment of the covenant that is following the laws and commandments within the Promised Land makes one holy and will lead to worldly salvation for all, than any/all efforts to attain that credo become morally indisputable. A self-r ighteous and realist strategic culture develops whereby any actions taken in fulfillment of the covenant become necessary, justified and self-vindicating. The strategic culture associated with the covenant has thus permeated throughout time in much the same way it was born manifested from a belief in choseness, holiness, and obligation. The Jewish nation has always found its grounding in the covenant whether in the times of Elijah or Hezekiah, Josiah or Nehemiah, the Maccabees or the Talmudic Sages [] all of these looked back to the founding charter of the covenant, not just as legitimation but as the grounding for their conception of the community of Israel and the unity of the Jewish people, which they sought to restore or deepen (Smith 2003, 63). It is on this sacred foundation that modern day Israel was also established. Nineteenth century political Zionism can be broken down into three competing schools of thought; (i) the Revisionist Zionists, (ii) the Labor Zionists, and (iii) the Religious Zionists. In many ways revisionist Zionism epitomizes what it means to be a covenant nation. Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky, the founder of revisionist Zionism, believed that people are naturally born into nations and inherit its cultures and values. So to speak, individuals have very little choice regarding which nationalities they belong to. It was Jabotinskys belief that the Jews represent a particularly strong nation because despite the pressures of the Diaspora they always maintained their originality and distinctness(Dowty, 37). Furthermore, he insisted that the Jewish state be established in Palestine and trans-Jordan because it was the historical legacy of the Jews. On the other hand, Labor Zionism the most influential branch of Zionism at the time considered itself to be totally secular in nature. Aaron David Gordon, founder of Hapoel Hatzair, saw the Jewish life in the Diaspora as dependence and a lack of self-reliance. Building on German-Jewish philosopher Martin Bubers I and Thou, he sought to create a new covenant by reconnecting with the land using the religion of labor (Dowty, 39), and by replacing the old exiled Jew with a new self-reliant Jew. However, under the secular garb of Labor Zionism the language and intent of the original Abrahamic Covenant can be discerned (Smith 2003, 93). Ber Borochov, ideological founder of the Poalei Zion labor movement wrote that class struggles exist within national groups as well as between them, clearly acknowledging a difference between the Jewish nation and other peoples, and advocating an ethnic nationalism, rather than the more open and tolerant civic kind (Howe 2000, 236). For reasons such as th is he sought to establish a Jewish socialist state. It is important to note, however, that not any state would do for Labor Zionists the state was to be established in the Jewish homeland. To the point of emphasis, upon establishment of the state of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, the first Labor Prime Minister of Israel declared the uniqueness of the Hebrew people and the redemptive destiny of Israel on its own soil (Smith 2003, 92-93). In so doing he acknowledged Labor and Religious Zionism to be not only compatible, but complimentary. Religious Zionism was headed by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. While it is the usual view that Zionism is a sin and alien culture, a non-Jewish way of life, and that Jews should only return to the Promised Land after messianic redemption, Kook claimed that enhancing attachment to the land is an obligation (Dowty, 44). Essentially, Kook is advocating preparing the land for redemption and salvation and suggests that the secular Zionists are doing holy work by settling the Promised Land. Clearly in all three branches of Zionism the tradition of the covenant remains critical the four deep seated cultural resources that define the covenant nation, namely; community, territory, history and destiny, permeate all of their raisons dà ªtre. By 1948, the underlying dimensions of the covenant nation return to fruition and again form a unifying and legitimizing tradition like in times past. From this tradition a realist strategic culture was born that has; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even during times of relative peace. Biblically, historically and contemporarily time and again the covenant h

Maurice Agulhons The Republican Experiment :: essays research papers

Maurice Agulhon. The Republican Experiment, 1848-1852. London and New York: Cambridge University Press. 1983.Pp195.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  This books main objective was to describe how France was in the process of becoming a democratic Republic. The book gave a full evolution and fulfillment that France made by the first four years of its first trial run at becoming a democratic Republic. The book gave in detail from start to finish how France finally prevailed during the 18707’s. The Republic was reborn when the Second Empire had made itself impossible: too aggressive for the alarmed Europe of the time and too authoritarian for an awakened society.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Second Republic was not completely credited simply to the combination of government which held power during those four years. The powers were attributable to the Republic that tried to succeed from February to June 1848 and then survive from June 1848 to January 1849, and were above all due to the ideal Republic defined and desired between 1949 and 1851 by the only true republicans of all the time, those who were in opposition. The textbook as compared to the book chosen was alike in many aspects. Not only did the two books contain a lot of information but also the book compared very similarly with the classroom notes. Many of the ideas that were briefly discussed in class were given in much more detail in the book. The book information really did not differ in the views that were depicted in the textbook. Both sources were good detailed accounts of history during the republican era. The importance and purpose of this book was to give the audience or the reader complete and detailed accounts of the French Revolution. The author’s purpose was to tell from begging to end how the French went through many trials and failures before becoming a true form of democratic government. “However, the overall impact of these individual memories would not have been sufficiently strong had not literature evoked a collective memory. If the Republic was better know during the forties and able to win supporters from beyond the restricted circle of republican survivors and their immediate, this was the achievement of History.

Basilica San Zeno Maggiore: Vernona, Italy Essay -- Italy Monuments Ge

Basilica San Zeno Maggiore: Vernona, Italy ?On the west side of Verona Italy stands one of the city?s two beautiful basilicas, the Basilica San Zeno Maggiore.? The older of the two basilicas, San Zeno dates back to the year 1030.? Notable for her Romanesque style, San Zeno is equally fascinating to the modern viewer as she is historically significant.? There are two regional forms of Italian basilicas of the Medieval period: Tuscan and southern.? San Zeon is considered to be the most Romanesque basilica in Northern Italy. ? Origin and Contributors ?The basilica was first constructed in honor of the city of Verona?s patron saint, San Zeno.? Paleo-Christian in origin, the church is commonly stated to have been constructed from 1120 to 1138.? However, some of the oldest parts of the building are assumed to have been worked on as early as the 4th century.? Several reconstructions were done from the 4th to the 14th centuries (at least three that are known of) because of damage by natural disasters.? The building underwent reconstruction after the earthquake of 1137 and was finished in 1386 with the addition of the nave ceiling.? It is unclear who the original architect was, but it is known that Andrea Mantegna was the constructor responsible for the altarpiece, on account of writing on it that would signify his work.? However, many historians suggest that Mantegna played a larger role in the development of the building than just the altarpiece.? The Bronze door panels on the West entrance are said to reflect the work of three separ ate craftsmen from the 11th and 12th centuries. ?Several structures of the church are worth mentioning and make San Zeno unique for her time period.? The main plan of the church was modeled aft... ...zes with beauty the Italian fervor for highly developed, highly detailed art and craftsmanship.? ?Today, the church of San Zeno attracts tourists from all areas.? However, it seems that this particular basilica is greatly overlooked by the broad interest in Roman architecture and culture.? Though Rome certainly contains the richest heritage of the Catholic faith, San Zeno Maggiore should be considered an important site for both Romanesque architecture and religious history.? [1] Smith, G. E. Kiddler.? Looking at Architecture, p. 48. [2] Porter, Darwin & Prince, Danforth (2000).? Frommer?s 2000 Italy.? MacMillan: USA. [3] Italy: Eyewitness Travel Guides.? DK Publishing. [4] Leyerle, John (1997).? The Rose-Wheel Design and Dante?s Paradiso.? UTQ, 156 [5]Kain, Evelyn (1981).? The Marble Reliefs on the Faà »ze of S. Zeno, Verona.? The Art Bulletin,63.

The Fatherless Family and Woman in Banana Yoshimoto’s Works

As Yoshimoto is a female novelist writing mainly about women in contemporary Japan, it will be interesting and important to explore more deeply the type and role of the women she portrays. While she seems to describe the lives of independent women, she put them into a mostly traditional setting in the house.As Banana Yoshimoto writes mainly about women's relationships, feelings, and thoughts in relation to Japanese contemporary society from a woman's perspective, the paper will research these aspects of her female protagonists' lives with regard to role of father in a family, family relationships in general and spiritual connection to the world that surrounds them. To comprehend the change that has taken place within the role of women in Japanese literature and possibly Japanese society, we must examine more closely the concept of family as it is in Japan today and in the literature of Banana Yoshimoto.For example, the family and its values is one of the bases for a society, thus, so cietal changes often find their reflection in the family concept. The Family and Father in Contemporary Japan Most of her main characters are young women who have graduated from high school and are either on their way into or out of university, and many of them work in part time jobs. This depiction of young and independent women at an age ‘in-between' main stages of their lives is also typical of shojo culture (Treat 359).In her stories, the traditional family structure seems to have dissolved, and the women, neither ‘just' housewives, nor established as equals, are somewhat floating in a diffuse area ‘in-between'. Yoshimoto's women often do not follow the traditional ways in a society that was changed by the increasing influence from the West. Women in particular are left alone and searching for new ways in a seemingly unstable world. Thus, neither Kazami nor Sui in N. P. , Tsugumi and Maria in Tsugumi, Mikage in Kitchen, Satsuki in Moonlight Shadow nor Yayoi and Yukino in Kanashii Yokan lead a conventional school or work life.All of them are from unconventional families, most of them fatherless. The narrator in N. P. , Kazami, lives with her mother, an English teacher, after her father died in the US; her sister lives in England. Kazami's boyfriend, a translator of Japanese literary works into English who was many years her senior, committed suicide. Only her grandparents who live in Yokohama still seem to lead traditional Japanese lives; however, they do not play an important role in the story. The father of Kazami's mysterious friend Sui, a famous Japanese writer, also committed suicide and leaving Sui to lead most of her life alone.Both young women are somewhat adrift. They are driven through life by upcoming events, and do not initiate the events that shape their lives. They are lost in this world without guidance or ‘fatherly love' in their lives. Different surveys conducted in 1983 in Japan revealed that one out of four couples who marry today divorce, and there is a divorce every 2 minutes and 57 seconds (Yamaguchi 246). While divorce in Japan has not reached the high percentages that exist in Western countries, it is obviously becoming more and more common.However, divorce is only accountable for about half of the households that exist without a father. About 36% of these households are fatherless because of death (Yamaguchi 248). Both factors supply us with insightful background information and a possible explanation for Banana Yoshimoto's family settings. It has often been assumed that such public display of dissolution of the traditional nuclear family as portrayed in Yoshimoto's and other women writer's fiction is still uncommon in contemporary Japan.However, the statistics prove Yoshimoto's fiction to be not quite so far removed from reality in this respect and that her work might be considered a reflection on contemporary Japanese society. Another interesting factor in the 189,000 divorces in Japa n in 1993, the highest number in history, is the so-called â€Å"retirement divorce (Yamaguchi 248). † Women divorce their husbands, who never spent any time at home while they were working, as soon as the husbands retire and end up spending most of their time at home.â€Å"Couples married twenty years or more represented over 15 percent of the total figure; moreover, in the majority of these cases the divorces were initiated by the wife (Yamaguchi 248). † Although divorce is a relatively common phenomenon in Japan today, divorced women are still looked upon rather unsympathetically. However, they are at times respected as individuals since the concept of individualism has grown more influential and is slowly replacing the strict and traditional system. Accordingly, a strong position of women – single, married or divorced – has become more common and more public.Hikami calls this â€Å"the emergence of the strong wife – strong to the point of bein g overpowering — completely sure of herself and quick to give up on her husband for his shortcomings (Yamaguchi 249). † As a result of seeing uncooperative husbands and of witnessing wives abandon their careers to become full-time housewives in their parents' generation, many young women are disillusioned and shy away from marriage. The result is an â€Å"age of nonmarriage (Yamaguchi 249)†. Thus, Yoshimoto's characters are not completely in â€Å"a fantasy land far removed from reality† as Yokochi Samuel claims (229).While it is true that â€Å"familyless children, lesbianism, incest, telepathy and violent death† are part of many of her stories, these situations are exaggerations that reflect a changing reality in Japan today (Samuel 229). They are set, however, before the background of the emotions of the protagonists, feelings of devastation, of longing and a search for happiness on a personal level. These elements are quite common phenomena not only in fiction but also in real life. In fact, her narrations are popular because many people can very well relate to them and see connections to their own lives.While Yoshimoto's fiction is not necessarily a realistic depiction of Japanese everyday life, the observations so far seem to suggest that she captures some essence, undercurrent feelings and ideas, and societal tendencies of life in contemporary Japan in her stories (Samuel). The Fatherless Family in Yoshimoto's Novels The topic of a lack of a father figure runs through all of Banana Yoshimoto's fiction. In Kitchen, Mikage is an orphan confronted with the death of her grandmother who had been her last surviving family member.She is lost and lonely finding the sound of the refrigerator in their kitchen the only consolation – until she meets some people who take her in and thus save her from her immediate (physical) loneliness. Her new host family is not traditional either. Yuichi's mother is dead and his father had operations done which transformed him into an attractive woman, Eriko. This is not described as something extraordinary, however. Rather this type of family seems to be working quite well and seems to give a loving environment to all members. While the family situation in N. P. is equally uncommon, this is not the case in all of Yoshimoto's stories.The main characteristic of the family situations in Amrita, Tsugumi, Kanashii Yokan and Kitchen is still the existence of substitute families that consist mainly of women. There exists a specific connection among the women, which allows for a special way in which they relate to each other. Left alone by the men in their lives (with or without this being their fault) in a world that is confusing, lonely and without guidance, they search for and often seem to find a bond mostly with other women, which provides them with a new support system. This makes them partners in the search for new ways to lead their lives.When describing Yoshimoto's unconventional – the so-called dysfunctional -family of which there is a plentitude in her stories, Treat remarks that this concept is very untypical in Japan. In Yoshimoto's stories â€Å"the family is ‘assembled'. — Blood ties and genealogy are less important than circumstance and simple human affinity (Treat 369). † Traditionally, immense importance was placed on the family as the smallest unit that supports the bigger unit of the state in the Confucian state system and on blood ties within the Japanese society. Considering this Yoshimoto's concept seems quite revolutionary.The concept of family that Yoshimoto describes in her novels is strikingly different. Her families are often not created by marriage and procreation and do not prevail because of blood bonds. Everybody can become a member of the family. As Yoshimoto remarks herself: Wherever I go I end up turning people into a ‘family' of my own. (†¦ ) What I call a family is still a group of fellow-strangers who have come together, and because there's nothing more to it than that we really form good relations with each other. It's hard for us to leave each other, and each time it does I think to myself that ‘life is just saying good-bye.‘ But while it lasts there are a lot of good things, so I put up with it. (Treat 370) These families seem to form almost accidentally, in a casual manner. The real bonds are created through coincidence and through spiritual bonds. These bonds, thus, just like most of the protagonists' lives in Yoshimoto's stories, are of the moment. They are created spontaneously or even somewhat accidentally as is the case for Mikage in Kitchen who is taken in by complete strangers. They can also be dissolved spontaneously as Maria's father's marriage in Tsugumi.Without a value judgment ever being made, the close personal bonds, even if deep at the time, are not necessarily lasting. This is how Sakumi, the young female narrator of the no vel Amrita, describes her own family: Blood ties seemed unrelated to how we were living. (†¦ ) I believe that as long as there is someone in charge of the household, someone who can maintain order among its members, someone who is clearly mature and established as a person, someone, in other words, like my mother, then eventually all who live under the same roof, despite blood ties or lineage, will at one point become family.(Amrita 6) But Sakumi goes beyond this realization: â€Å"If the same people don't spend enough time in a home, even if they are connected by blood, their bonds will slowly fade away like a familiar landscape (Amrita 6). † This hints at the typical Japanese family situation of the 20th century industrialized society in which the husband considers the company he works for his family and spends hardly any time at all at home. People, even those connected by blood ties, are not necessarily an active and real part of a family anymore if they are never at home.Even if younger men are more open to change, they often are forced to put a preference on the company over their families. â€Å"It is the corporate system itself and the culture to which it has given birth which controls the men who work within it. † (Fujimura-Fanselow 231) As a result, men seem to have faded from family life, the result of which, a strong female community, can be seen in Yoshimoto's stories. The real families here seem to be non-biological ones, consisting of people who care for each other and are often centered on one central person, who seems to hold everything together, most frequently the mother.Thus, while men are not necessary anymore for a functioning family apart from their financial support, women are vital to the family. This is also demonstrated in the fact that Yuichi's father in Kitchen has a sex change after the death of his wife so that he can take on the role of the ‘mother' for his/her son. The fathers — if existent -are reduced to the role of the bread-winner and are otherwise emotionally and spiritually completely unattached to women's (or children's) lives. This in no true recreation of the traditional family.Members of the ‘new' families always remain single individuals to some extent, which allows for the spontaneous creation and dissolution of family bonds. This is also the case in Tsugumi where the family of the young female narrator, Maria, consists only of her mother. Together they live with the family of her mother's sister (husband, wife and two daughters), in Lzu, a small town at the ocean. Maria's father is married to another woman and lives, separated from her, in Tokyo. However, in this story, the father eventually divorces his wife.He marries Maria's mother and moves both Maria and her mother with him to Tokyo, trying hard to make up for the missed family life. Maria's family consisted mainly of her mother and her aunt's family in which the husband again played a minor role. It is a family of women who support each other and are best friends at the same time. While Maria and her mother are painfully aware of the fact that their busy and comfortable life among women before the marriage will always be missing from their new life in Tokyo, they both acknowledge the new husband's efforts to create a comfortable and harmonious family home for all of them.However, this traditional family consisting of a father, a mother and a daughter appears to be an artificial construct (albeit a happy one) in comparison to the ‘natural' family both women lived in before. In Tokyo they all must make an effort to be a happy family together while this was a natural given before. Because the three of us were involved in such an uncommon situation, we treated each other so kindly like members of a ‘typical happy family' on a billboard. Every one of us tried not to show the mash of emotions that actually existed in the depths of our souls. Life is a play. (Tsugumi 42)T hus, the traditional family is an artificial construct in contrast to the new concept of a family of women or peers, which is presented as the natural one. Again, Yoshimoto plays with the reversal of the ordinary and the extraordinary. The traditional family here is, however, based on love and care and thus, a positive one in this story. Maria's father explains that such emotions and such constructs as families can be and often are temporary. During the long time that I was separated from you and during which I often felt very lonely, I learned how important to me are the people who are closest to me: my family.It could happen, of course, that my opinion changed someday and that I will treat you and your mother unkindly — but that's life! Maybe someday the time will come when our hearts don't beat so closely together anymore, but exactly because of such times it is important to create many happy memories. (Tsugumi 43) Apart from the traditional family being something of an ar tificial construct, which all members have to work for in order to make it a happy one, here it also appears to be possibly a temporary one.Maria's father talks of the fleetingness of emotions and attachments to other people, similar to the narrator's remarks on various occasions. Maria's father concludes that the temporariness of things forces people to live life to the fullest and enjoy the happiness and friendship at the time you have them because they might be gone soon. This is not said with any feeling of bitterness. Rather, it seems to be a simple statement about certain unchangeable facts of life. The happiness or harmony of a good family life, thus, has to be cherished and all members here are clearly aware of this.In accordance with the life of shojo as a stage in Japanese women's lives, Maria remarks on the temporariness of friendships and the existence of separate circles in one's life. She realizes that life consists of different stages and that you have to finish one s tage in order to move on. One of these stages is her life at the seaside with Tsugumi and her family. When she returns to Tokyo for good after a wonderful summer with Tsugumi she realizes: â€Å"from this point onward my new life will begin (Tsugumi 170). † The experience of living life in separate stages or episodes is also a topic in Kanashii Yokan.After Yayoi's parents die, the first ‘episode' of her life ends. She is adopted into a family with a younger son, Tetsuo. While Yayoi's foster parents take good care of her, she also feels drawn towards her ‘aunt' Yukino, who later reveals herself as her older sister. Yayoi's following search for the memory of her lost family is a third episode in the life of Yayoi during which she manages to bring the past to closure with the help of Yukino. Yukino herself suffered tremendously from the loss of her parents. She was nearly an adult at the time of the accident and did not want to be adopted into a new family.After her parents' death, she was not willing to form close bonds with people anymore. A similar change within the family life takes place in Kitchen and in Amrita. In Kitchen, Mikage goes from having no family at the beginning of the story when her grandmother dies, to a substitute family of a boy, Yuichi, who had befriended Mikage's grandmother earlier in her flower shop and his father Yuji, who had an operation done which transformed him into a woman, Eriko, after the death of his beloved wife. Eriko works in a nightclub. While highly unconventional, these strangers take Mikage in and make her feel completely at home.They become her family. The closeness of this family stems from an initial sympathy, compassion and understanding for one another. On the other hand it is the result of a similarity of experiences of the two juveniles, the painful loss of a beloved family member and the difficulty of dealing with the resulting feeling of loss and loneliness. Both end up as orphans when a forme r customer in the second part of the story stabs Eriko to death. Both young people have to construct their lives completely anew, purely based on their own emotions and intentions. Society does not seem to intrude into these spheres (of the characters' lives).Society does not help these lonely young people, nor does it particularly obstruct their way of finding themselves and their way in life. It simply does not seem to exist anymore. There is no such all-embracing concept as a society anymore that has any lasting influence on the protagonists. People (at least the protagonists) exist only as individuals. Although they try to connect to other individuals and thus create new ‘families', they still remain often lonely individuals. A group identity can rarely be detected, as every individual seems to struggle along their own lonely and sometimes happy path.The only element in their lives they have in common is the necessity to deal with the death of a loved one and the awareness of their own loneliness. In this context it is remarkable how the news of the sex transformation of Yuichi's father is received. Mikage is surprised but, in fact, accepts this extraordinary fact quite easily. And Yuichi explains this surgery in a very calm and natural manner: After my real mother died, Eriko quit her job, gathered me up, and asked herself, ‘What do I want to do now? ‘ What she decided was, â€Å"Become a woman. ‘ She knew she'd never love anyone else. She says that before she became a woman she was very shy.Because she hates to do things halfway, she had everything ‘done' from her to face to her whatever, and with the money she had left over she bought that nightclub. She raised me a woman alone, as it were. ‘ He smiled. ‘What an amazing life story! ‘ (Kitchen 14) Again in Banana Yoshimoto's stories, someone was confronted with an extreme situation, the death of a beloved family member, and she shows his unusual way of dea ling with it. As a result of this situation, the protagonists once again create a ‘fatherless family', with Yuichi, his mother/father Eriko and Mikage. Thus, the juveniles are thrown into adulthood.They â€Å"are not children; they just dream like children. Instead of fathers and mothers, there are surrogate fathers and brothers, dressed in women's clothes† [in Moonlight Shadow] (Buruma 29). Cultural conventions and society are forces that are simply not taken into consideration: the decision to make such an immense change is purely up to the individual. Nowhere is the reaction of society – in form of former co-workers, other family members or friends – ever mentioned. Only Eriko's death in the second part of the story hints at an unusual life: an angry customer of the nightclub shoots her when he finds out she was formerly a man.Her violent death can also be related to the extreme extent and permanence of her change. Hiiragi's cross-dressing in Moonlight Shadow on the other hand is less extreme as it is not permanent. In Kitchen the family life is surely not a traditional one and it does not closely resemble Japanese life in reality. However, it goes beyond reality in a somewhat logical way. The concept of the father- or man-less family also exists in Amrita. In this story a group of women share a household and the only male member is a little boy.Yukiko lives in an apartment with her daughter from her first marriage, Sakumi (22), and her son from her second marriage, Yoshio (10). Other members of the household are Yukiko's niece (daughter of her younger sister), Mikiko, who is a student at a nearby women's college and Junko, a divorced childhood friend of Yukiko. This mostly female cast was created by unconventional situations as both the older adult women, Yukiko and Junko, are divorced single parents. Yukiko even divorced twice. Her first husband, who had died of cerebral thrombosis, was 21 years her senior, and six years after h is death she remarried.Explicit reasons for the split-up with her second husband are hardly given. Just like Eriko's sexual change in Kitchen, this is simply accepted as a fact of life. The focus of the story, thus, is on the â€Å"home brought together nicely like a woman's paradise. † And the narrator Sakumi finds herself â€Å"attracted to the lifestyle — Blood-ties seemed unrelated to how we were living (Amrita 5). † While this family situation does not claim to be ideal, it offers an alternative to the traditional lifestyle. The women in this story are not necessarily happier or more successful by living mainly with other women.It simply seems to be a concept that works better for them and that it is more convenient or harmonic. Premature death is also present in this story. Sakumi's younger sister Mayu, a beautiful young movie actress, dies in a car accident at 18. It is after her death that the story starts, thus showing the reaction of the other family m embers to this death and the searching and the healing process connected to it. However, this process is hardly taking place as a group effort. Rather, each person struggles alone and leads his or her life individually and separately from others.The strain on this family, created by loss and emotional stress, eventually threatens to drive the family members apart. Part of the reason for this is the fact that they hardly ever meet as they did in the past: sitting around the kitchen table in the middle of the night eating or drinking coffee (Simon 34). This fits very well with the concept of the change of the role of the dining table in Japan. In the past (traditionally), all family members would sit around the dining table to communicate, exchange their thoughts and feelings. This exchange holds a family together.In the postmodern society this concept changed as the traditional family lost its strength. Yoshimoto describes different stages of this connectedness of a family using the symbol of assembling around a table. Each story focuses on a different aspect: Tsugumi shows the more traditional concept, in Amrita the kitchen table as a symbol for the unity of the family is in danger of vanishing and in Kitchen it is virtually nonexistent at first but newly created by the new family member Mikage. Overall this concept reveals the dissolution of traditional, and the new creation of alternative families.In the search for structures and new institutions, the kitchen table, thus, plays an important role — it leads the way to a new unity among the family members who still stand somewhat alone as individuals. â€Å"The desertions are in a sense balanced by new unions, though, ultimately, a sense of longing remains (Galef 23). † Conclusion As a result of social, historical and economical developments and the internationalization of Japanese society, strict religious beliefs – whether Buddhist or Shintoist – and the Confucian value system are losing their significance within the lives of young Japanese.This generates a variety of problems including loss of a meaningful context of life and the lack of a social support system for the individual. Banana Yoshimoto describes the resulting feeling of instability in most of her novels, in which the individual often stands alone facing a sometimes threatening world of tragedies to cope with and difficult choices to make. Her characters have to deal with the death of loved ones and other challenging situations without having any support from either family or society. Her real interest is a psychological one.Banana Yoshimoto's characters have to endure hardships and suffering. This experience, however, also has its positive component: it initiates the process of searching for one's own identity and enables the individual to grow mentally. â€Å"Coping with problems and growing: I believe, those are the things that shape the mental and spiritual development of a person, with all his hopes and possibilities. â€Å"182 Thus, her stories describe a healing process after a tragic incident or difficult situation, which leads to personal growth.Yoshimoto makes the suffering of people who do not fit into the ‘system' of Japanese culture and norms and who, therefore, are confined to life at the margin of society, her cause. â€Å"I wanted to communicate the notion that such (troubled) people should be able to live as they please, without interference from others. Anyone should, for that matter. † (N. P. 194) She extends the struggle of her characters to a more general statement about the importance of individualist thinking and the denial of society's controlling function. By doing so she justifies also the dissolution of traditional gender roles in her stories.While it is possible in her stories for men and women to remain in the traditional roles, this is merely an option – and not a very desirable one at that. As most of her characters face extreme challenges in their lives, they search for and – eventually expose their innermost feelings, which — as a result – are often appropriately extreme. Without society as a regulating institution, people choose their individual paths, and it turns out that these paths include the discovery of a female side within the personality of some men.While this is based on purely individualist thought, it incorporates the idea that closer mental contact and understanding between the sexes, which is developing within the younger generations, is also a necessity for interpersonal relationships as young women are not willing anymore to stay within their traditional roles. Accordingly, they do not care to accept men who stick to the traditional male role either. Thus, within her concept of individualism, Banana Yoshimoto supports not a radical but a very strong feminist point of view. Her female characters stand alone and find their own way in life.